Mostly because it's fun, I am going to stick by my liquidity guns for a while longer. This has been a scary week for those who follow the credit markets. Many of my friends who run fixed-income portfolios are not even returning phone calls, they are so busy managing their affairs, presumably looking for exit ramps and downside protection. We have seen stories cascading out of the US sub-prime mortgage lending debacle: LBO financing arrangements are stalling en masse, credit default protection for large investment bank debt is getting much more expensive, US Treasury bill prices are sky-rocketing, emerging market spreads are widening drastically. Everybody is fleeing to quality, we are told.
Other developments are making the media and investors even breathier. Stock markets are plunging. US housing sales are way off. Government officials and market gurus are telling us that these developments may be the beginning of a serious market correction. People reading about these developments are getting even more scared, which must be causing even more selling and even more price declines.
I cannot deny that these developments are large and important. I doubt that my limited window into the credit markets makes me smarter than the experts and the investing herd. Still, being a contrarian type, and seeing nothing that has changed my earlier-posted liquidity analysis, I am going to remain of the view that these developments are not (yet) the beginning of a major correction. I am not sure where all the sovereign wealth funds are going to deploy their vast sums in the next months and years. But I have to imagine that the relatively recent trend of these sovereigns pursuing greater investment diversification will continue. I imagine that diversification may slow somewhat, as sovereigns may find that greater sums need to be invested - say in US treasuries, even at the newly inflated prices - in order to pursue policy goals, such as currency pegs.
But all that money, not to mention the amount of private capital that is also on the side-lines at the moment, has to go somewhere. And the recent market dips must have some appeal as buying opportunities. If not, I have a large mattress at home that I might be able to roadshow successfully in Beijing, Singapore, and Dubai.
Friday, July 27, 2007
Friday, July 20, 2007
Sovereignty's Dirty Laundry
Have you seen the excerpt from J.M. Coetzee's new novel, Diary of a Bad Year, which is forthcoming in January 2008? Pretty interesting stuff. I have to confess as somebody who does not read a lot of novels that the format is a bit confusing to me. Large swaths of non-fictional observations are interspersed with short bursts from a fictional exchange in a laundry room. I could not connect all the dots, although the novelty was captivating.
Mostly, what strikes me about the excerpt is the collection of observations about what the state is, how it is established, and how it evolves. At bottom, Mr. Coetzee observes that most of us are born into a territory where a state has long asserted sovereignty, so the state's structure is hard-wired into our psyche and our behavior. The concept of removing the state (or, I imagine he would agree, drastically altering it) is not something that occurs to most folks or that we would be capable of achieving in any event. "It is what it is", and we are generally content with the marginal tools available to us for effecting marginal change.
These tools include the (false) choices presented in elections - candidate A v. candidate B. We have very little say in which candidates are presented to us, we have even less ability to provide a fair shake in the elections to a candidate C, and we have almost zero ability to drive toward something completely different (e.g., a new form of government, or no government at all).
Even more insightful I think are Coetzee's comments about how a state is born. He cites to the Kurosawan movie "The Seven Samurai", in which a population accepts the samurai's services in ousting a harmful group of bandits who were demanding excessive tribute. Once the samurai succeed, they then offer to serve as the new "protectors" of the population for a price. The population declines their offer, and the samurai leave. I am not sure what happens after that - I have not seen the movie. But the text Coetzee uses at this point in the excerpt is very insightful:
"The Kurosawan story of the origin of the state is still played out in our times in Africa, where gangs of armed men grab power—that is to say, annex the national treasury and the mechanisms of taxing the population—do away with their rivals, and proclaim Year One. Though these African military gangs are often no larger or more powerful than the organized criminal gangs of Asia or Eastern Europe, their activities are respectfully covered in the media—even the Western media —under the heading of politics (world affairs) rather than crime."
I like to consider this subject globally as something of a spectrum that includes both politics and crime. Certainly, there are similarities between (legitimate) governments and armed gangs. Both are groups that provide protection to a population in exchange for a fee, and both maintain power through a combination of superior weapons and mythology (i.e., nationalism, loyalty, fear of outside evil forces). It is a spectrum I have long wrestled with, and I am gratified by Coetzee's text. I look forward to reading the full book next year.
Mostly, what strikes me about the excerpt is the collection of observations about what the state is, how it is established, and how it evolves. At bottom, Mr. Coetzee observes that most of us are born into a territory where a state has long asserted sovereignty, so the state's structure is hard-wired into our psyche and our behavior. The concept of removing the state (or, I imagine he would agree, drastically altering it) is not something that occurs to most folks or that we would be capable of achieving in any event. "It is what it is", and we are generally content with the marginal tools available to us for effecting marginal change.
These tools include the (false) choices presented in elections - candidate A v. candidate B. We have very little say in which candidates are presented to us, we have even less ability to provide a fair shake in the elections to a candidate C, and we have almost zero ability to drive toward something completely different (e.g., a new form of government, or no government at all).
Even more insightful I think are Coetzee's comments about how a state is born. He cites to the Kurosawan movie "The Seven Samurai", in which a population accepts the samurai's services in ousting a harmful group of bandits who were demanding excessive tribute. Once the samurai succeed, they then offer to serve as the new "protectors" of the population for a price. The population declines their offer, and the samurai leave. I am not sure what happens after that - I have not seen the movie. But the text Coetzee uses at this point in the excerpt is very insightful:
"The Kurosawan story of the origin of the state is still played out in our times in Africa, where gangs of armed men grab power—that is to say, annex the national treasury and the mechanisms of taxing the population—do away with their rivals, and proclaim Year One. Though these African military gangs are often no larger or more powerful than the organized criminal gangs of Asia or Eastern Europe, their activities are respectfully covered in the media—even the Western media —under the heading of politics (world affairs) rather than crime."
I like to consider this subject globally as something of a spectrum that includes both politics and crime. Certainly, there are similarities between (legitimate) governments and armed gangs. Both are groups that provide protection to a population in exchange for a fee, and both maintain power through a combination of superior weapons and mythology (i.e., nationalism, loyalty, fear of outside evil forces). It is a spectrum I have long wrestled with, and I am gratified by Coetzee's text. I look forward to reading the full book next year.
Saturday, July 14, 2007
How Liquid Is That?
This post is just to note another piece of evidence in support of my earlier post on the likelihood that the global liquidity glut may last a while longer yet. Usual caveat: nobody can predict cataclysmic change, and I have to confess that the huge and growing notional amount of the credit derivatives market has been troubling me a good deal of late. Check out this post on the Seeking Alpha page for a chilling report on that subject.
But I could not suppress a smile when I read this story on Bloomberg yesterday. It seems that the same week as the ratings companies are finally realizing the US sub-prime mortgage market disruption means related mortgage-backed paper should be down-graded, US HUD Secretary Jackson is in Beijing urging the Chinese Government to invest more heavily in US mortgage-backed securities.
I am sure I am wrong, but it sounds like somebody is asking the Chinese to provide liquidity to help revive a deflating market in the US. The story didn't say what the Chinese reaction was, although I imagine if Secretary Jackson had been laughed out of the room, Bloomberg would have mentioned it.
But I could not suppress a smile when I read this story on Bloomberg yesterday. It seems that the same week as the ratings companies are finally realizing the US sub-prime mortgage market disruption means related mortgage-backed paper should be down-graded, US HUD Secretary Jackson is in Beijing urging the Chinese Government to invest more heavily in US mortgage-backed securities.
I am sure I am wrong, but it sounds like somebody is asking the Chinese to provide liquidity to help revive a deflating market in the US. The story didn't say what the Chinese reaction was, although I imagine if Secretary Jackson had been laughed out of the room, Bloomberg would have mentioned it.
Tuesday, July 10, 2007
Being Hugo Chavez
You're Hugo Chavez, what do you do now? The world is on edge, quite uncertain of which direction you may go. You seem hell-bent on a vague socialist agenda, nationalizing major industries in Venezuela and ousting foreign investors. You espouse anti-"northern" values, in an effort to consolidate power around you in the "south". You close down domestic media which disagree with your agenda, leading to frequent accusations of your impairing freedom of the media. You accuse foreign governments of meddling in your internal affairs. You proudly hold summits with other national leaders who are at least at verbal war with the United States (e.g., Cuba and Iran, perhaps North Korea will be next?). You co-issue bonds with the Government of Argentina on the heels of that Republic's messy and forced 70%+ haircut on their previous external debt. You threaten to pull out of the IMF.
But you don't pull out of the IMF, after it seems that you realize such a step would cause a default on your outstanding external debt. You don't stiff those external creditors, but instead, you keep paying them, likely from the deepened revenue base the higher oil prices provide you. You don't seek to sever ties with the "imperialist" United States, but instead you invite a new ambassador who is serious about your country. You continue to use the global media, wherever possible, to advance your domestic, regional, and global agenda. You cautiously navigate the claims of the investors whose assets you expropriate. You declare that entrepreneurs have a critical role in the development of the socialist economy.
Although I am certain that you have a clear set of goals and a rational game plan, you have confused much of the world. On the one hand, we could readily believe that you are about to slip into Argentina's behavior pattern in the wake of its currency crisis, limiting foreign exchange flows and defaulting on or effectively repudiating external debt, with an added dose of 20th century-style, poorly compensated expropriations. Especially if oil prices trend downwards significantly, or if you locate another, non-US export target for your crude, we could probably already write the speeches for you - as you have been doing for Morales in Bolivia and Correa in Ecuador - about how the interests of your citizens must come before the interests of anonymous foreign investors.
On the other hand, we could readily believe that you consider an unblemished relationship with investors, even imperialist investors, to be the best Bolivarian example of how to build and transition to a responsible, 21st century socialism, and we could see you honoring contractual obligations and negotiating expropriation compensation in good faith. Especially if oil prices remain steady or rise, and if you continue to need the US as a primary export target for your crude, we could see your speeches describing the establishment of socialism without any reliance on the financial resources of the imperialists. Distinguishing yourself from the violent tactics of Argentina and yet also from the pandering tactics of Brazil.
Of course, there are many other possible outcomes as well. But if we cannot predict which of these two extreme paths is more likely, you have accomplished a great deal of deception. The resulting uncertainty could give you a meaningful edge. So again, what do you do now?
But you don't pull out of the IMF, after it seems that you realize such a step would cause a default on your outstanding external debt. You don't stiff those external creditors, but instead, you keep paying them, likely from the deepened revenue base the higher oil prices provide you. You don't seek to sever ties with the "imperialist" United States, but instead you invite a new ambassador who is serious about your country. You continue to use the global media, wherever possible, to advance your domestic, regional, and global agenda. You cautiously navigate the claims of the investors whose assets you expropriate. You declare that entrepreneurs have a critical role in the development of the socialist economy.
Although I am certain that you have a clear set of goals and a rational game plan, you have confused much of the world. On the one hand, we could readily believe that you are about to slip into Argentina's behavior pattern in the wake of its currency crisis, limiting foreign exchange flows and defaulting on or effectively repudiating external debt, with an added dose of 20th century-style, poorly compensated expropriations. Especially if oil prices trend downwards significantly, or if you locate another, non-US export target for your crude, we could probably already write the speeches for you - as you have been doing for Morales in Bolivia and Correa in Ecuador - about how the interests of your citizens must come before the interests of anonymous foreign investors.
On the other hand, we could readily believe that you consider an unblemished relationship with investors, even imperialist investors, to be the best Bolivarian example of how to build and transition to a responsible, 21st century socialism, and we could see you honoring contractual obligations and negotiating expropriation compensation in good faith. Especially if oil prices remain steady or rise, and if you continue to need the US as a primary export target for your crude, we could see your speeches describing the establishment of socialism without any reliance on the financial resources of the imperialists. Distinguishing yourself from the violent tactics of Argentina and yet also from the pandering tactics of Brazil.
Of course, there are many other possible outcomes as well. But if we cannot predict which of these two extreme paths is more likely, you have accomplished a great deal of deception. The resulting uncertainty could give you a meaningful edge. So again, what do you do now?
Wednesday, July 4, 2007
Fourth of July Homework
It's the Fourth of July, the birth date of the United States. I am planning on purchasing a paper copy of the New York Times today and reading a re-print of the Declaration of Independence again, imaged in its original script. Somehow that full-page run of the document on July 4 always adds an intimacy to the text. One can feel quite close to the authors. If you haven't recently, I urge you to check it out and read through the whole thing methodically.
No matter how cynical you may be, you have to admit that the thing is well drawn. Well conceived from the perspective of drumming up support among the population of North America and from the perspective of explaining the thinkers' rationale to other countries. In many senses, the document is evidence of some truly transformative thinking, and it is a crisp articulation of the means for implementing the transformation. I haven't read it yet today, so my memory will be less crisp. But I am looking forward to even the introduction - "When in the course of human events...." And "We hold these truths to be self evident...."
These men were capable of placing their lives and fortunes in a global context, and they drew on their thorough understanding of government and related philosophy. The world can be proud of their accomplishments, and it can learn from them. As I have written before on this page, my intuition tells me that the world is now in need of another transformation in the conception and deployment of sovereign power. I have not yet fleshed out what that transformation should be or how it should be driven. But I consider that the US Declaration of Independence will be powerful guidance for those who want to think "outside of the box" in repairing the world.
So for all you US presidential candidates and campaign teams so breathily criticizing each other for the same old things, please take some time today to think about the Declaration. Not just as another school book text that was shown to you and explained generically as the United States' founding document. Not just as another image and sound bite proving your patriotism once again. But as a continuation of your education and training in governing creatively and conceiving solutions that exceed anything ever seen before.
I would happily vote for the candidate who takes this path of self-education and is able to propose and to drum up US and global support for the next welfare-enhancing transformation. As for those of you who prefer to bicker about whether it is more evil to pardon Scooter Libby for criminally outing a CIA agent or to pardon Marc Rich for criminally avoiding the tax laws, I think I'll take a pass.
No matter how cynical you may be, you have to admit that the thing is well drawn. Well conceived from the perspective of drumming up support among the population of North America and from the perspective of explaining the thinkers' rationale to other countries. In many senses, the document is evidence of some truly transformative thinking, and it is a crisp articulation of the means for implementing the transformation. I haven't read it yet today, so my memory will be less crisp. But I am looking forward to even the introduction - "When in the course of human events...." And "We hold these truths to be self evident...."
These men were capable of placing their lives and fortunes in a global context, and they drew on their thorough understanding of government and related philosophy. The world can be proud of their accomplishments, and it can learn from them. As I have written before on this page, my intuition tells me that the world is now in need of another transformation in the conception and deployment of sovereign power. I have not yet fleshed out what that transformation should be or how it should be driven. But I consider that the US Declaration of Independence will be powerful guidance for those who want to think "outside of the box" in repairing the world.
So for all you US presidential candidates and campaign teams so breathily criticizing each other for the same old things, please take some time today to think about the Declaration. Not just as another school book text that was shown to you and explained generically as the United States' founding document. Not just as another image and sound bite proving your patriotism once again. But as a continuation of your education and training in governing creatively and conceiving solutions that exceed anything ever seen before.
I would happily vote for the candidate who takes this path of self-education and is able to propose and to drum up US and global support for the next welfare-enhancing transformation. As for those of you who prefer to bicker about whether it is more evil to pardon Scooter Libby for criminally outing a CIA agent or to pardon Marc Rich for criminally avoiding the tax laws, I think I'll take a pass.
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